Critical Race Theory (CRT) and Anti-Racist Practice
CRT provides social workers with a helpful analytical lens for applying anti-racist practice by examining structures of discrimination based on race and the implications, in relation to both the ideological and material circumstances, for racialized populations (Maiter, 2009, p. 270; Ying Yee, 2004, p. 68). Sarah Maiter (2009) explains that CRT positions race as a concept that “lacks any biological validity” (p. 267) but whose social construction is shaped by and embedded within hegemonic structures resulting in material effects. From this understanding, CRT provides two central areas of focus for understanding power dynamics and oppression: firstly, “the myriad of ways that racism may be embodied or embedded within relations, institutions, systems, and structures” (Ladhani & Sitter, 2020, p. 56) and secondly, challenging and unveiling the (at times obscure) power and privilege of whiteness (Ying Yee, 2004, p. 89).
How does CRT examine
power relations?
White Supremacy and Dominant Social Discourse
CRT presents whiteness (or white supremacy) as a key concept in its analysis of power relations at the micro-, meso-, and macro-levels. From the macro-level, it “examines the historical processes of enslavement, colonization and misrepresentation of non-European peoples,” and how these processes have come to embed white privilege and power within institutions and society (Maiter, 2009, p. 270). Furthermore, it recognizes the “powerful social meanings of race in White-dominated societies,” as well as how these meanings “are evident in the lived experiences of minority groups,” and particularly in the oppressions they face (Maiter, 2009, p. 270). CRT also examines how these dominant social meanings (or discourses), particularly presentations of racialized populations, are informed by the “dominant and/or majority group” and how their “ability to shape, define, and determine the knowledge base about minority cultures documents not only their power to speak on behalf of those who are marginalized in society, but also how society itself normalizes the inferior position of minority cultures” (Ying Yee, 2004, p. 98). By virtue of “dominant and/or majority group’s” normalizing the inferiority of racialized people, white supremacy and racial discrimination can “take place without people being consciously aware” of their complicity within these structures, resulting in the neutralization and deracialization of “whiteness” (Ying Yee, 2004, p. 98).
At the meso- and micro-levels, CRT can provide helpful anti-racist practice principles for social workers to critically reflect on their relationship with service users and their position within social service institutions. Anti-racist practice requires social workers to question “the traditional role” institutions play “in producing and reproducing racial, gender, sexual, and class-based inequalities in society” (Maiter, 2009, p. 270). For example, historically, efforts to apply anti-racist practice within institutions and social movements have been challenged due to white feminists’ preoccupation over their moral self-image resulting in demonstrations of empathy to racialized women or flaunting their knowledge on anti-racism to prove that they are not racist instead of working towards organizational change (Srivastava, 2005, p. 57).
Ying Yee (2005) notes that one can [racialize] the practices of white people by challenging them to reflect on what practices may appear fair, neutral non-ideological but actually originate from specific socio-cultural-historical perspectives (pp. 96-97). While this is an important first step in dismantling the primary structures of racism, Sarita Srivastava (2005) argues that acknowledging structures of racism is not the only goal of anti-racist practice. Furthermore, these acknowledgements can in fact prohibit and stagnate implementation of anti-racist practice within institutions and social movements, because some may believe the acknowledgement of racism is sufficient action despite it not changing actual structural conditions (Srivastava, 2005, p. 53).
Structural Racism and Racializing the Perspectives and Practices of White People
Anti-Racist Practice and Looking Beyond Cultural Differences
Additionally, CRT’s focus on structures producing racial oppression provides a helpful alternative for social workers when critically reflecting on the lived experience of a service user: social workers can frame a service user’s identity within the wide spectrum of oppression instead of through a focus on cultural differences or “cultural competency”. Ying Yee (2004) argues that social work’s attention to cultural competency and multiculturalism leads to a “stereotyping of cultures” which results in a “pre-defined, frozen, cultural identity” formed by the “norm of whiteness” (p. 99).
Anti-racist practice provides a strong case for looking beyond an essentialized cultural identity as the focus on culture fails to “capture the consequence of race and the related effects of racism for people” (Maiter, 2009, p. 269). This includes, for example, a lack of acknowledgement of the “privileges that accrue to white people because of their skin color” and “the numerous material hardships for people of color” that arise due to a lack of structural privilege, such as “employment barriers, scrutiny by the police, struggles to find adequate housing, amongst others” (Maiter, 2009, p. 269).
Critical race theory can be linked to intersectional feminist theory as it “suggests that a full understanding of the effects of race cannot be gained without examining the intersections of all forms of oppression,”
— Maiter, 2009, p. 270
Intersectionality and Power Relations.
Intersectionality stems from demands within feminist theory to examine “inequality and oppression within groups of women” and provides an analytical lens “to explore gender, sexuality, class, and race as complex, intertwined, and mutual reinforcing categories of oppression and social structures” (Mattson, 2014, pp. 9-10). The concept was first coined by Kimberlé Crenshaw to describe a framework for illuminating the ways that racism and sexism overlap and create “unique and distinct kinds of burdens” for Black women (Southbank, 2016). Emerging from critical race theory (Crenshaw, 1989), intersectional feminist theory’s “aim is to disclose and challenge social structures and oppression” while also acknowledging the complex and dynamic nature of power relations which results in differences of experience within and between groups (Dhamoon, 2015, p. 29; Mattson, 2014, p. 10).
Moreover, the work of Crenshaw draws attention to intersectionality’s purpose of identifying “intersectional failures" (Southbank 2016), where non-intersectional framing of social issues privileges the perspective of dominant groups over others by reinforcing structures of oppression which are not accounted for in this narrowly framed narrative. She uses the example of feminist movements fighting for women’s equality and how they have historically over (if not only) accounted for issues pertaining to white women, leading to a “representational scheme that allow[s] white women to represent everybody regardless of whether their particular way of experiencing discrimination was the same” (Southbank, 2016). By not applying an anti-racist lens to the issues of women, feminist movements disregard the issues stemming from race, for example, that are faced by women of colour, and therefore reinforce structures of oppression like racism.
Anti-Racist Practice and Intersectionality.
Connecting white supremacy and colonialism.
One area in which critical race and intersectional feminist theories could be more comprehensive and inclusive is by acknowledging the link between white supremacy and colonialism. By recognizing the arguments of theories and frameworks that unsettle the normalization of colonialism social workers may be able to better recognize “the interconnectedness of struggles” against structures of oppression, a particularly important focus being how “settler domination” is at the root of oppressive structures that impact everyone within a settler colonial state, especially marginalized populations (Dhamoon, 2015, p. 34), though certainly not in equal modalities or magnitudes.